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Post 0

Sunday, October 30, 2005 - 1:10amSanction this postReply
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I'd just like to reiterate what the title should (hopefully) make clear - this is a personal perspective, essentially a "brain dump" of my thoughts on minarchism & anarcho-capitalism. I'm quite certain that Lindsay doesn't agree with me, for starters :-)

I'm hoping it'll generate some discussion & debate. In particular, I'd like to know what SOLOists think of my opinion that a consumer-driven move from minarchism to anarcho-capitalism would actually be fundamentally compatible with minarchism.

Personally, I wouldn't be greatly upset if this could be disproved - I'm still not intellectually comfortable with the idea of anarcho-capitalism, so I find the idea that it'd be a natural development of minarchism quite unsettling.
(Edited by Duncan Bayne
on 10/30, 1:13am)


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Post 1

Sunday, October 30, 2005 - 2:09amSanction this postReply
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Duncan - the answer is already there in the article of mine that you cite. Read it again. More carefully. :-)

Linz

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Post 2

Sunday, October 30, 2005 - 4:55amSanction this postReply
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Yeah, and then read what I wrote in "Police Forces and Courts of Law."

In America, 2 out of every 3 patrol officers is privately employed.

We still have a government.

A is A.

We are living in an anarcho-capitalist utopia where the largest provider, Govco, is a predator by nature, but is held in check by the general market. Govco's major competitor, the Soviet Union, was run on an even worse business model and went bankrupt. 

Govco is self-financing through a revolving credit payment system.  The largest value producers make cash (actually EFT) payments to Govco quarterly.  The money comes from several sources, including the value of the wages paid to employees.  In addition, large value producers pay based on their own wealth generation.  It is a principle that those who benefit the most should pay the most and in America the top Quintile of Incomes pays over 60% of the taxes collected while the bottom Quintile actually draws net income from Govco's many other programs. 

Govco issues annual refunds on overpayments. However, these refunds include no interest earned.  Even so, many of Govco's "middle classes" (Quintiles 2, 3, and 4) look forward to these "tax refunds" as a form of savings.  The small weekly deductions accrue to several hundreds of dollars and are spent as a lump sum on household capital goods such as televisions and automobiles, or are consumed directly as "potlach" or conspicuous pleasure. 

In addition, Govco maintains a hefty "float" of newly created checks ("Federal Reserve Notes") issued against borrowed income ("Treasury Bonds") and future payments ("taxes").

All of this rigmarole allows Govco to stay in business, though, as noted, the number of all other protection agency employees combined surpassed Govco's payrolls about 20 years ago.

That is not a unique event.  Historically, Govco has maintained a small (but ruthless) gendarmarie.  In the 1840s, Govco began extending its markets from coastal watches and territorial incursions into the civic sector.  At first, only the homes and businesses of the wealthy were protected and the poor turned to other providers.  By the 1870s, Govco's many new franchise stockholders (called "citizens" or "voters") forced more attention to their own needs and the local police forces began patrolling poor neighborhoods.  The wealthy then found other contractors to help secure their property.

For almost 100 years, Govco dominated the local markets, as well as international engagements.  However, since 1980, the trend has again reversed.  Most local protection is provided by direct competitors to Govco.  Govco has arranged a massive sub-contracting program and a highly-publicized advertising campaign called "Homeland Security" to cash in on this trend.  That, in turn, has freed Govco to focus on its traditional markets of coastal patrols and territorial incursions.  Govco recently launched a massive field exercise in Iraq in which it demonstrated its effectiveness.  That experiment is still running.

(Edited by Michael E. Marotta on 10/30, 4:59am)


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Post 3

Sunday, October 30, 2005 - 7:31amSanction this postReply
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Duncan,

You are correct to recognize that "minarchy" will become practical long before "competition in government" ever does. But this is not a matter only of residual habit. Freedom in a "minarchy" requires only that significantly more than half the population have decided to live by the principles of objective justice. Freedom under a "market government" would require this percentage to be much, much higher. Indeed, given that law enforcement is only needed because of the persistence of irrational attitudes by wich some men justify their infringement of the rights of others, there may be reason to doubt that "market government" would ever work - in any society in which the incidence of human irrationality was high enough to justify the existence of any permanent law enforcement organizations at all.

Consider, hypothetically, the point at which Randians and others with similar politics constitute 60% of the population. The other 40% still subscribe to the various doctrines of the primacy of consciousness, and believe themselves to be actually harmed by God's anger at, or bad karma from, such things as blasphemy, pornography, and other politically incorrect expression. That 40% would use force to protect themselves from the harm that they believe is caused by bad speech and similar things.

At this point, in a Randian minarchy I already would be completely free. The fact that 40% of the population believed, for example, that I was causing them harm by reading "The Satanic Verses," would have no effect on me other than, perhaps, annoyance at their ravings.

On the other hand, if those 40% were "free" to operate a "competing government," which would use force on their behalf to avert the divine wrath that its customers believe would befall them if they allowed me to read "The Satanic Verses," then my freedom to read would be compromised.

So, a question: how low would the incidence of "primacy of consciousness" ideation have to fall before there was existential parity between "market government" and minarchy? Is there any point at which "market government" would actually result in greater individual freedom?


Post 4

Sunday, October 30, 2005 - 7:31amSanction this postReply
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voluntary taxation (a fixed amount per citizen, rather than a proportion of income), …Note that under this government, taxation would be voluntary. A citizen could withdraw his financial sponsorship of the government of the day, presumably at the cost of access to courts to resolve disputes, police to solve crimes, etc. This is consistent with the principle of non-initiation of force (hereafter NIOF)—no government can morally force people to contribute to it financially.

An amount fixed low enough to be afforded by the poorest citizen would be insufficient to providing, national defense, courts, and police. That is why Rand suggested contract insurance or a lottery as a way of providing these services.


As you've probably guessed by the title of this article, I see this division as false and unnecessary, because there is a natural and inevitable progression from a genuinely non-coercive minarchist-libertarian government to anarcho-capitalism. One is simply a subset of the other: minarchist-libertarianism is simply anarcho-capitalism with one provider holding a (most likely very short-lived) monopoly…At that point, people will set up their own courts, their own police forces, militia, and so on. The government would be, and ought to be, powerless to prevent this—at which point they'll simply become one of a number of competing service providers in a free market.

Not exactly. The ‘government’ would be bound by a framework of objective law. A ‘so-called" competing agency would be selling that same product, unless you are suggesting that people’s courts, militias etc., could also issue competing laws. Remember there is a difference between a non-coercive monopoly, those that exist simply because they are efficient, and a coercive monopoly.  If the law were enforced in a consistent and timely fashion, what would be the incentive for competition.

… this is an important context: the existence of any stable minarchist-libertarian government presumes the existence of a culture capable of individualism, self-governance and benevolent cooperation.

It is just the reverse. The requirement for government assumes these things are not true. If you had a "culture’ capable of individualism, self-governance and benevolent cooperation" no government would be required.


Post 5

Sunday, October 30, 2005 - 8:29amSanction this postReply
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The cultural change that would have to be effected in order to bring about such a system of government, and moreover to make it work in the long term, is immense. Such a system would be entirely unworkable given the contemporary culture, and this is an important context: the existence of any stable minarchist-libertarian government presumes the existence of a culture capable of individualism, self-governance and benevolent cooperation. [my emphasis - RM]


I am glad you put this in - it is among the most neglected of facts of reality being overlooked among discussion of this in particular, as well as other freedom laiden ideas... such a world as described indeed is for adults in mind, not the adolescents of today, who haven't gained the integration necessary to grasp the implications surrounding it...


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Post 6

Sunday, October 30, 2005 - 10:41amSanction this postReply
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'Government' vs. 'State' [A column from a few months ago; but see, also, “Anarchism and Minarchism, A Rapprochement,” Journal des Economists et des Estudes Humaines, Vol. 14, No. 4 (December 2002), pp. 569-588, where I argue that there are no serious differences between the two schools. One proposes floating, the other stationary governments.]

by Tibor R. Machan

Concepts such as that of “government,” like those of “democracy,” “law,” “justice,” “freedom” and “love,” to cite just a few, is what W. B. Gallie, called “essentially contestable” (see his "Essentially Contested Concepts", Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, Vol. 56 [1955-56]). I heard the characterization from Alasdair McIntyre back in the mid-70s at the Creighton Club, the New York State philosophical society, although not applied to “government” but to a slew of other concepts that are constantly being debated.

Of course, from within specific philosophical positions these concepts are pretty firmly defined, so that, say, in classical liberalism “freedom” is usually defined to mean “absence of coercive force” or “not being subject to initiated force” while from within Marxism it’s taken to mean “absence of necessity.”

Within libertarianism, though, the concept “government” is still unstable. Anarcho-libertarians, who argue for something they dub “competing legal systems” “or competing defense organizations,” claim that the concept “government” means, essentially, “a monopoly of legal services over a given territory.” This isn’t as clear cut as one might wish. Are they talking about legally protected monopolies or monopolies plain and simple, which could mean very competitive organizations, indeed—for example, a department store sitting on a large piece of private property that has no competitor right then and there but is amply competed with by stores in the nearby vicinity? Yet where it stands, it’s a monopoly, in a sense. Or an apartment house—it too stands alone and to rent a competitor’s dwellings, one needs to move.

There are libertarians called minarchists, with whom I am usually linked—along with Ayn Rand, John Hospers, the late Robert Nozick and during the last few years of his life, Roy A. Childs, Jr. (although he also penned a famous piece, “The Contradiction in Objectivism,” back in 1968, for Rampart Journal, in which he announced his dissent from Rand’s minarchist position). I disagree that governments may not compete and may coerce anyone. To be fair, neither did Ayn Rand agree that governments may coerce anyone—she, for example, denied that taxation is permissible while also claiming government is, thus disowning the characterization of government by perhaps the most famous anarcho-libertarian, Murray N. Rothbard.

But as Gallie’s point makes clear, this debate as to what is the most sensible, reasonable definition of “government” is likely to continue for a long time, if not indefinitely. In my own view, for example, the institutions anarcho-libertarians support are governments in every important respect—they are administrators, maintainers, and protectors of bona fide law within human communities. What critics claim is that such administration, maintenance and protection do not require contiguous spheres of jurisdiction but could work as a sort of crisscross system.

From a few historical cases, in which such a system had been in place—in ancient Iceland, for example—these disputants conclude that as a general rule governments could operate quite happily, smoothly, with no judicial failures—such as inability to arrest prosecute criminals or to render effective service when citizens (or clients) seek police protection—serving crisscross localities. OK, so this is an interesting debate and worthy of pursuit. Either way we could get to government, however.

My one beef with many who reject this idea is that they refuse to admit that “government” need not involve coercion at all. They could just as easily dispute that the crisscross system involves law, properly understood, only, perhaps, various rules or edicts or policies. And even more problematic is their all to frequent use of the concept “state” as a substitute for government.

For example, in a recent letter to Liberty magazine, Professor Roderick Long of Auburn University sets out to take issue with Bruce Ramsey’s claim that Hernando “de Soto’s work . . . shows that a healthy economy crucially depends on property titles, identity records, and other institutions of formal law” and is thus “a standing refutation of libertarian anarchism.”

As Long proceeds in his letter, however, an interesting switch takes place. He contends that “as the research of scholars like Bruce Benson, Tom Bell, and others has shown, history is filled with examples of legal systems that were perfectly formal—complete with official procedures, court records, and the rest—and yet private, competitive, and non-governmental.” He states that “in late medieval Europe . . . the commercial law known as the Law Merchant outcompeted the government legal system . . . .” And then, from this, he jumps to the following conclusion: “Hence the state is not necessary for formal law.”

I don’t know about Bruce Ramsay, but I certainly would not conclude from de Soto’s work that the state is necessary for anything, although I would agree that governments may well be. Because what Long and all those other scholars show, as far as I am able to discern, is that in medieval Europe there were different kinds of governments, some of them coercive and others not.

OK, so what’s wrong with this conclusion? I assume critics would now claim that I am twisting the concept “government” to suit my goals, namely, to defend governments as quite possibly a just institution administering, maintaining and protecting bona fide law. I dispute this—I claim that they are wrongly claiming that governments must be unjust and so the concept ought to be abandoned by all right thinking folks. But one way they support this is by equivocating between “government” and “state.”

It is well known that the concept “state,” especially as it figured in the writings of Hegel and Marx, is not the same as “government.” It is, instead, the entire organized community, akin to what Aristotle meant by “polis.” The state does, then, call to mind, quite sensibly, a fully coercive leviathan, a pyramid-shaped, top down system of coercive regimentation of nearly all facets of human community life (apart from those deemed not essential, although even those would be subject to regimentation if the agents of the state so chose).

Now I am not going to resolve any of the main disputes here but I wish to make just one little final point. To equivocate between “government” and “state” is wrong and even dirty pool. It would be similar dirty pool if those critical of anarcho-libertarians referred to what the latter advocate as “chaos,” recalling not the arguably esoteric conception of anarchy individualist and libertarian anarchists have been developing but the position of those old fashioned, classical anarchist who meant by the term “lawless society.”

Of course, when emotions run high—as they tend to be in discussions among people who are nearly in full agreement and know that they are more likely to be able to land a blow at those in close range than at those who don’t even pay attention to their views—it’s tempting to engage in hyperbole.

Labeling an allegedly “near pure” libertarian opponent a “supporter of the state” or “a statist” does carry a painful sting. One would hope, however, that just this temptation is resisted by serious scholars.

PS: After I have penned the above and informed Dr. Rod Long that I did, he proceeded to pen yet another missive on his blog using the term "state" instead of "government" to characterize what folks such as I support. So, just to be very clear, I do not champion any kind of state whatever but I believe a non-coercive, limited government in the Lockean classical liberal tradition is a good idea.


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Post 7

Sunday, October 30, 2005 - 12:52pmSanction this postReply
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Hmmm, perhaps a stupid question, but isn't Galt's paradise exactly the kind of anarcho-capitalist society we are talking about?

And if it is, then Ayn Rand rejected this utopia when she said that a government (albeit a minarchist one) is necessary?


(Edited by Max
on 10/30, 12:53pm)


Post 8

Sunday, October 30, 2005 - 1:27pmSanction this postReply
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The line between ML & AC is much clearer than many here seem to be assuming.

Under ML government has been tasked, constitutionally, by the people, to provide objective enforcement of the law & other core services. That's the fact of ML structures.

That *can't devolve* into true AC without rescinding that structure--that constitutional framework--that presupposses a state with a monopoly on, being the final arbiter of, the law.

I'm saying: there is no elastic line or substantive permeable layer between ML & AC. They are objectively different. And that's no comment on the desirability, workability or morality of either system. Duncan didn't write his article (correct me if I'm wrong, Dunc) to enter into another looong debate about ML versus AC.

Washington:

"Government is not reason; it is not eloquent; it is force. Like fire, it is a dangerous servant and a fearful master."

Minarchists believe they can, given proper philosophy & a killer constitutional setup, tame & harness that fire. Anarchists believe the fire can never be contained and must, subject to the wiles of men, spread & engulf.

ML & AC are fundamentally different, abstractly.

Ross

Post 9

Sunday, October 30, 2005 - 1:49pmSanction this postReply
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Max, Linz addresses this in his Anarchism is the Arbitrary article:

"Galt's Gulch, in Atlas Shrugged... may not have had an organised government, but its inhabitants, remember, were a small, invitation-only elite of the brightest and the best who had temporarily retreated from the world pending its inevitable collapse. Its immigration policy was decidedly unlibertarian! It is clear from her non-fiction writing on the subject that Ayn Rand did not see a government-less state as a permanently viable model for the world itself.

Post 10

Sunday, October 30, 2005 - 1:53pmSanction this postReply
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Yes - as per post 5, Galt's Gultch was for adults in mind...

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Post 11

Sunday, October 30, 2005 - 8:11pmSanction this postReply
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Thanks to professor Machan for presenting his article on anarcho-capitalist versus minimal state libertarians.

While I sympathize with those who think a minimal state is necessary to the preservation of individual rights ( because they substantially want to defend the liberty that I value), I think they are in error. The crux of this error is that they defend coercion in the maintenance of a legal monopoly of force over a geographical location. But coercion is unnatural, because man is a thinking, choosing being who requires freedom to live and flourish. This insight about man's nature, developed and elaborated by Rand, Machan, Reisman, and many others, won't persuade advocates of the minimal state that they are wrong. However, because we presumably agree that the world is intelligible and that principles are therefore profoundly important, then, if coercion is unnatural, that principle ought to serve as a warning of error to advocates of a coercively-maintained minimal state.

Minarchists think that without a coercively installed minimal state, warring political factions would tear society to shreds. This warring could be averted, they believe, if some substantial majority--say as in Adam's example, 60%--were advocates of individual rights and private property, and so could control the activities of the state. However, both conclusions are mistaken.

Contemporary political warfare, as in the US or England or New Zealand, is effectively subsidized and amplified by the state. The state's agencies that enforce its hegemony are seen by nearly everyone as legitimate; and a good citizen is seen as one who is unquestioningly loyal and obedient to the edicts of the state, no matter how outrageous any particular edict might be. Against this cultural backdrop, the practice of holding elections and referendums and of permitting the winner to "take all" subsidizes the cost of political warfare to the contestants. For the organizers of political campaigns don't have to pay the cost of establishing by persuasion or violence the institution of election piracy, nor must they usually pay substantial sums of their own wealth to advance their particular campaign. The system is already solidly in place, available for commandeering by any capable demagogue. Competent political operators raise money for candidates and causes, rally the support of a significant mob, win elections in which perhaps 30% of the population casts votes, and rely on the state to enforce their takings. Everyone, winners and losers, pay the costs of running and enforcing this system. The winners get huge payoffs in the form of political power, state contracts, book deals, appointment to corporate boards, etc. The political operators who end up on the losing side of some particular campaign also often reap big benefits: enhanced political prestige, appointments to corporate or state boards, jobs with foundations, think tanks, and universities, book deals, and so forth.

In a cultural/philosophical regime hostile to reason and individualism, the proliferation of competing antagonistic ethical/political demands is inevitable, and one consequence is the unending political thieving, bullying, and all-around war we see around us today. Far from protecting people from the chaos of  lawlessness, the coercion that installs a monopoly state underwrites the spread of political warfare.

In contrast to the thievery and bullying underwritten by a state, a voluntary government that respects the right of secession discourages political warfare. For if individuals have to right to withhold payment from protective agencies engaged in coercive activities, such as, for example, invading another state or imposing restrictions on peaceful activities that some find repugnant, then those aggressive agencies will incur higher costs in waging political warfare that its declining base of patrons must themselves pay for! 

The idea that a minimal state could be captured by a substantial majority of freedom believers, thereby protecting its subjects from political mugging, is mistaken. We're all familiar with the remarkable resilience and power of small constituencies with big political clout, like American farmers and trial lawyers. In fact, the American Civil War was fought to negate the right of "sovereign states" to seceed from the union. With the destruction of the right of secession, the trend toward the centralization of power and violation of individual rights accelerated exponentially.

Coercion is not necessary to government. What is necessary is a cultural/philosophical regime of reason, which cultivates widespread acceptance of realistic ethical/political principles, and produces broad support for individualism, private property, and free enterprise. Without such a cultural framework, ethical disputes are bound to be settled by force and political systems will inexorably gravitate toward authoritarianism. 


Post 12

Sunday, October 30, 2005 - 8:34pmSanction this postReply
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Government police departments do deal primarily in force. 
However, private security agencies do not deal primarily in force. 

(See "Police Forces and Courts of Law" in the Dissent Forum.)


 


Post 13

Sunday, October 30, 2005 - 8:58pmSanction this postReply
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Mark - you write,"For if individuals have to right to withhold payment from protective agencies engaged in coercive activities, such as, for example, invading another state or imposing restrictions on peaceful activities that some find repugnant, then those aggressive agencies will incur higher costs in waging political warfare that its declining base of patrons must themselves pay for!"

Really now. What is to stop, to use your own words, protective agencies engaged in coercive activities, from simply seizing the money by force - since force is what "protective agencies" would be specialists in - rather than depending on a "declining base of patrons (who) must themselves pay for (such things)?" The historical record in, e.g., the old Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, is that they will seize the funds by force and engage in civil wars. Dealing with force will always selectively attract people who are attracted to power. In real-world history, constitutional government was the solution to this problem. Who wants a replay?


Post 14

Sunday, October 30, 2005 - 9:16pmSanction this postReply
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Mark Humphrey:

"Thanks to professor Machan for presenting his article on anarcho-capitalist versus minimal state libertarians. "

I don't want to transfer the confusion of the Andy Postema thread over here, but hey! will the real Professor Machan stand up? Please!

Dunc have you done a body snatch on poor ol' Tibor? C'mon, fess up. Or maybe it's the other way 'round? The plot thickens.

Ross

Post 15

Monday, October 31, 2005 - 12:59amSanction this postReply
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Apologies for this terse reply - I'll write more tomorrow morning (New Zealand time), when I'm not recovering from 2 1/2 hours of dog training.

In the meantime though, I'd like to ask about one thing that's not touched in either Lindsay's or Tibor's article (unless I've just plain missed it).

Am I right in assuming that, the way you've defined Government (as a constitutionally-appointed body having a delegated monopoly on the provision of law), that such a Government has the right to enforce that monopoly?

I can see why that'd be a good idea, don't get me wrong - the idea of competing court systems & potentially entirely discrete bodies of law rubs me up the wrong way. I can't imagine how it would work in cases where there's conflict of values, e.g. in the case of criminal law.

Imagine one court defining abortion as a crime, sending private police to arrest a woman, who's then defended by her own police force - I don't see that ending in peaceful negotiations the way AC advocates claim, and if it did, what if the woman *was* arrested & tried for murder? No bloody thanks.

But what I still don't get is *how* a Government can claim a monopoly on the provision of law, when it can't claim a monopoly on the provision of, say, hamburgers.

Perhaps I just need some sleep & caffeine ...

Post 16

Monday, October 31, 2005 - 4:11amSanction this postReply
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Duncan:

"But what I still don't get is *how* a Government can claim a monopoly on the provision of law, when it can't claim a monopoly on the provision of, say, hamburgers."

Well, I think your question is putting the cart before the horse. Government, in the first instance, can claim no power that has not been delegated to it by the people. Yes, the people. It's a quaint concept, for sure.

Jefferson from the DOI:

"That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed."

It's that simple. Just because of construction errors in the Constitution, it doesn't mean Jefferson's assertion is in any way unworkable. It's just bloody hard to sustain. So while I'm quoting TJ like there's no tomorrow, here's a keeper:

"The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots and tyrants."

[re the burger monopoly, that would be what TJ described as extending "an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us"]

Again, I said:

"Minarchists believe they can, given proper philosophy & a killer constitutional setup, tame & harness that fire. Anarchists believe the fire can never be contained and must, subject to the wiles of men, spread & engulf."

And there's the rub. Don't forget that the conception of objective law is analogous to the objective nature of reality that we all hitch our wagons to.

Jefferson again:

"That whenever any form of government becomes destructive to these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government..."

Now that describes a right to pick up a gun and defend yourself from a dangerous government. There's an out clause. Bang! The ultimate safety valve.

The fact that Jefferson also observed...

"...that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed."

...only serves to illustrate that the mess we find ourselves in was predictable, & the solution difficult to stomach.

So, every couple hundred years do we have to take up arms and abolish the forms to which we are accustomed? Not necessarily. We learn. How much do we know about the theory of government & it's implementation *now* that The Founders did not know back then. Plenty. Given the chance or the necessity we can do it better.

Ross


NB: the Constitution was a magnificent but *faulty* implementation of the principles outlined in the Declaration. We *do* know better... now.

Post 17

Monday, October 31, 2005 - 7:09amSanction this postReply
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Mark,

A natural monopoly forbidden by charter to initiate force is the goal.


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Post 18

Monday, October 31, 2005 - 10:40amSanction this postReply
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Since it appears I may have attributed ideas to Tibor Machan that don't represent his thinking, let me state that I don't know exactly what he thinks about all of this. I only know what I think about this complex subject, and my thinking is incomplete.

Adam's point about the danger of rogue "defense" agencies violating rights is a serious and central issue that must be addressed. Unfortunately, I don't have time to try to write a dissertation on the subject this morning. However, I strongly suspect that it can be demonstrated that initiating force is far more costly and self defeating financially than pusuring peaceful commercial opportunities. If so, then firms that engage in inefficient and costly conquest would lose clients to firms that practice defense of contracts and property.

This idea is certainly not self-evident, nor as presented above, persuasive. It needs a lot of work and careful elaboration. Clear understanding also requires that one work through various historical events, such as the one cited by Adam, to understand what happened and why.  

I don't assume that a government instituted and maintained without coercion would manifest in "competing defense agencies", because those enterprises might well coalesce into a federation, as described by Nozick.

The prospect that minarchists worry about, of endless political warfare, seems to smuggle in two premises that I think are false. The first premise is that the idea of a non-coercive government must somehow compensate for the contemporary culture's hostility to reason, with its endless proliferation of competing and arbitrary ethical demands. No political system can morph rank irrationalism into social cooperation. The existence of non-coercive government, or of a limited state, presupposes the standardization of rational ethical norms throughout much of society. Ayn Rand explained this beautifully in her essay "The Roots of War".

Second, as I tried to explain in my previous post, it is the element of coercion in the state, including in a limited state, that subsidizes grudge warfare and bullying. Unhappy other-worldly Christians, for example, might warm to the propect of forcing others to give up the practice of early-term abortions; provided, of course, that they don't have to pay the bill themselves for their aggression, and provided also that they don't personally have a lot at risk in the fighting.

There will always be irrational, short-sighted, unhappy people eager to punish others, in any culture. I think that institutionalized coercion, even of a limited nature, encourages such behavior.


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Post 19

Monday, October 31, 2005 - 4:49pmSanction this postReply
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Duncan,

If I understand your thesis, a minarchist government would lead to an anarchist government over time - probably because they share the same moral principles.

(In a dark reach of my mind, the phrase "5 year plan" keeps echoing...)

One thing is left out of the equation completely in your essay - man's nature as a volitional being.

Any man can choose violence against a peaceful person. If he kills, there is no recourse for the victim. The issue is all over, as the victim is no more.

Thus this is one area where preemptive social measures are needed if the phrase "individual rights" is to mean anything at all. The right to life is the most basic of all of the rights.

The right to inflict violence must be taken from the hand of the individual - since he has the volition to inflict it at whim - and handed over (Rand said "delegated") to an objectively constituted and rationally limited institution in order to ensure that the innocent have their right to life protected (just to cite one right).

Any system that does not take this volitional nature of man - and man's limitations imposed by the reality of death - into account is structuring a system for some other species.

Not human beings.

Michael


Edit - One other thought. If "force services" are put on the market without an organization that is much more powerful to insist that the market rules be observed, man's volitional nature will result in some people violating those rules and there will be nobody to stop them. Just ad hoc shotgun brigades or other gangs. The individual doesn't stand a chance.

(Edited by Michael Stuart Kelly on 10/31, 4:54pm)


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